Nukes prove their usefulness once again: excellent for partisan fear-mongering
The
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists
has moved the hands of its famous clock forward, immediately after Donald Trump
was sworn in as president of the USA. In doing so they have proved that they
are, as I have suspected previously, a part of the Washington establishment
groupthink on foreign policy, biased, unconsciously perhaps, toward advancing American
interests (previous
post on this topic).
As much as one might despise Trump’s
policies in other areas, or conclude that he lacks the experience and temperament
to be a head of state, there is an argument to be made that his statements
about nuclear policy are not much of a departure from standard nuclear
doctrine. He has spoken carelessly about nuclear weapons, but most of his words
have been interpreted with extreme bias. A more generous interpretation could
be made. For example, he asked, “If we have them, why can’t we use them?” but
his follow-up question was “Well, if we can’t use them, why do we have them?”
but only the first question was widely reported. Like all American presidents,
he expects all other nations to disarm first, which is why he came out in favor
of renewing the deterrent. America must go down in history as the first and
last nation to possess nuclear weapons. That’s a standard assumption in the US,
not a Trumpism.
In addition, many years ago Trump
spoke often about his fears of nuclear destruction, so much so that
he appeared to be much more obsessed with the topic than the average citizen.
In other words, he is like many of the anti-nuclear activists and scholars I know:
obsessed with the fact that such a dread has been allowed to exist, worried
about the world his children will inherit, trying to enjoy life regardless.
In The Bulletin’s 2017
Clock Statement, Trump’s worrying statements about nuclear
policy were credited as the reason for moving the minute hand closer to
midnight. He was described as having “made disturbing comments about the use
and proliferation of nuclear weapons.” The report even lends credence to the
ridiculous fear-mongering that Russia influenced America’s sacred democratic
processes. It notes:
...events surrounding the US presidential
campaign—including cyber offensives and deception campaigns apparently directed
by the Russian government and aimed at disrupting the US election—have brought
American democracy and Russian intentions into question and thereby made the
world more dangerous than was the case a year ago.
Trump was blamed for wanting to
upgrade the nuclear arsenal, but it is a well-known fact to the disarmament
experts at The Bulletin that this
upgrade has been in the works for years. The
Bulletin makes no mention of the destabilizing influence of American
meddling in Ukraine’s sacred democratic processes, no mention of NATO expansion
to Russia’s borders and the deployment of ABM missiles in Romania and Poland.
During the presidential campaign, Hillary Clinton and the neo-con hawks backing
her were on the war path to enforce a no-fly zone over Syria, a step that would
have led to an air war with Russia. Surely the disarmament specialists who work
for The Bulletin could have concluded
that the danger of nuclear war had been recklessly increased by these words and
deeds of Obama and Clinton. But instead it was a bit of thinking and tweeting out
loud by Trump, before he was in power, that moved the hands of the clock
forward. In the report there is a tangential mention of the need to reduce
tensions over Syria and Ukraine, but the issue was not personalized the way it
was for Trump. American policy, or statements and actions by Obama and Clinton
were never mentioned. The partisan bias of this report leaks off of every page.
If all this is not enough to make my
familiars in the anti-nuclear movement suspicious, I urge them to read page
five of the Clock Statement. They
will find there a rather strong endorsement, with some standard caveats, of
nuclear energy as a solution to global warming. It seems that in this vision for
a nuclear weapons-free world, the US will still have its network of 800 or so
overseas military bases and the largest defense budget in the world—larger than
the total spent by the nations ranked 2 to 10 on the list. They will still have
offensive anti-ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and inter-continental
ballistic missiles, loaded with conventional warheads, capable of accurately
targeting and destroying any city on the globe (Belgrade in
1999 was the first demonstration of that power). Thus there will
still be a great military threat aimed at nations with nuclear power plants, aimed
also at their infrastructure and power grids (needed for cooling reactors in
shut-down and cooling spent nuclear fuel pools). We could avoid nuclear war,
but conventional war would still have the potential to create hundreds of
Chernobyl catastrophes.
These non-conventional military
threats and this tremendous imbalance are, of course, the well-known objections
of Russia, China and other nuclear powers to moving forward in nuclear
disarmament. It’s a curious thing that they consistently rate no mention in
most Western nuclear disarmament think tanks and NGOs. This year’s nuclear
ban treaty negotiations at the UN could have been turned into a much
more comprehensive discussion. Why not have an agreement on limiting national
defense spending, or curtailing the permanent stationing of military forces in
foreign nations? Is it time to question the danger of large, outdated alliances
that risk world war starting over, for example, a border skirmish in Estonia? The
supposedly radical solution of banning nuclear weapons is actually not very
radical at all. It consistently avoids engagement with the root causes of war
and enmity between nations, which are rooted themselves in domination and
control of the world’s resources.
Other recent views on the 2017 Clock
report:
Chris Busby, “Real
Doomsday clock passed midnight long ago,” Russia Today, January 29, 2017.
Gwynne Dyer, “Doomsday
Clock and Talk Do More to Blow Up Fears,” London Free Press, February 1, 2017.
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